bsphil wrote:
gbaji wrote:
1. What is the social purpose being served by the creation of the set of benefits provided to married couples by the government?
2. Does that social purpose require that gay couples also be provided with that set of benefits?
1. Why does that matter?
Because if you can't define the purpose of the law, then you can't assess whether the restrictions (specifically the qualifications for marriage benefits) involved in the law are consistent with that purpose. You're rudderless on the issue.
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Because I already know you're trying to ask leading questions to get into writing a few pages of responses about marriage being solely for the purpose of encouraging raising children in a "committed" relationship between a man and a woman, so don't bother explaining it again. My point to that would be, why are you excluding people who can adopt children? Why not support raising children in a "committed" relationship between two men or two women? Yeah, if they existed in a bubble they couldn't produce their own children to raise. Fortunately for them, that's not how the world works.
It's great that you know what my position is. I'm asking you what yours is. It's not enough to just say "I don't think that's why those benefits exist", if you can't provide an alternative explanation.
I'm asking you what purpose you think those benefits serve.
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2. Yes, if you believe that all men are created equal.
What does this mean? How does failing to include gay couples in the list of those who can qualify for a benefit violate the principle of equality? Is that true in all cases? Are you saying that no state benefits can ever have qualifying criteria attached to them? Because you've just made nearly every single government funded benefit unconstitutional right there. If there's some other specific aspects applicable to this situation, then please elaborate.
You keep tossing vague generalities at me. I want you to be specific. Remember what I started out with: The Supreme Court has already ruled (on many many occasions) that discrimination is constitutional if the discrimination is consistent with the purpose of the law, and the laws purpose itself doesn't violate the constitution. Heck, this was even mentioned as part of the "test" for constitutionality in Loving v Virginia:
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The Equal Protection Clause requires the consideration of whether the classifications drawn by any statute constitute an arbitrary and invidious discrimination. The clear and central purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment was to eliminate all official state sources of invidious racial discrimination in the States.
There can be no question but that Virginia's miscegenation statutes rest solely upon distinctions drawn according to race. The statutes proscribe generally accepted conduct if engaged in by members of different races. Over the years, this Court has consistently repudiated "distinctions between citizens solely because of their ancestry" as being "odious to a free people whose institutions are founded upon the doctrine of equality." At the very least, the Equal Protection Clause demands that racial classifications, especially suspect in criminal statutes, be subjected to the "most rigid scrutiny," Korematsu v. United States (1944), and, if they are ever to be upheld, they must be shown to be necessary to the accomplishment of some permissible state objective, independent of the racial discrimination which it was the object of the Fourteenth Amendment to eliminate. Indeed, two members of this Court have already stated that they "cannot conceive of a valid legislative purpose . . . which makes the color of a person's skin the test of whether his conduct is a criminal offense."
There is patently no legitimate overriding purpose independent of invidious racial discrimination which justifies this classification. The fact that Virginia prohibits only interracial marriages involving white persons demonstrates that the racial classifications must stand on their own justification, as measures designed to maintain White Supremacy. We have consistently denied the constitutionality of measures which restrict the rights of citizens on account of race. There can be no doubt that restricting the freedom to marry solely because of racial classifications violates the central meaning of the Equal Protection Clause.
This is the test which the Supreme Court will be using in the upcoming case. While this case is specific to race, and sexual orientation is not specifically mentioned in the 14th amendment, it'll likely be extended to include it as something which can't be discriminated against (if not the case ends right there, as discrimination against homosexuals wouldn't be considered unconstitutional anyway). Given that source of the test, the question the court will have to answer is whether or not the restriction of marriage benefits in a way which excludes gay couples is "necessary to the accomplishment of some permissible state objective", independent of the discrimination itself.
Thus, for the state of California to win this case, all they need to show is that there is a "state objective" to the marriage requirements, which necessitates a set of criteria which happens to exclude gay couples, and that said state objective is *not* specifically to exclude gay couples. The obvious argument is the one I've been using for years: That the objective is to encourage couples who might otherwise produce children outside of wedlock to do so within the constrains of an appropriately binding marriage contract. Given that the only set of couples who can produce children together are those consisting of one adult male and one adult female, those conditions are necessary and relevant to the state purpose. Certainly, it would be absurd to extend it to a set of couples who *can't* possibly ever produce children (as a freaking couple! One of them artificially inseminating herself doesn't count).
That's the argument the court will have to contend with. That is the test it will use. I know that most of you hate this argument. I suspect because it's the hardest one to debate, but the point is that the Supreme Court will be considering the "best" arguments for why this law should stand, not the worst. On this internet forum, you have the luxury of just ignoring arguments you don't like, or tap dancing around the language of the issue. The court most likely wont do that. The only way the state doesn't win this case is if 5 of the justices on the court ignore the actual law and actual precedent for cases involving discriminatory laws, and simply rule based on some broad desire to further "gay rights". I'm not saying that this wont happen, but if it does, it'll be yet another in an unfortunately long series of irrational court rulings.
I apologize for the long post (haha!), but you keep insisting that it's not important for you to establish the purpose of those benefits. But as this section of the case shows, it is important. It's the way the court will test the constitutionality of the law. It's not about what groups we like or dislike here. We can't just argue that a group we like should qualify for every government benefit we think they should have. The issue is whether they *must* be included in that benefit. More relevantly, whether or not the lack of inclusion exists purely to discriminate, or whether that lack exists for some other legitimate reason.
Obviously, I believe there exists a legitimate reason for the criteria. You're free to disagree, but to do so, you really have to argue that there's some purpose to those laws other than what I've stated.
Edited, Aug 5th 2010 7:19pm by gbaji