Jophiel wrote:
gbaji wrote:
I'm curious under what definition you believe that qualifies as a "rebuttal"? Saying "They're wrong!" over and over isn't normally considered a valid rebuttal.
Oh, was that all he did? Huh. I guess I misread the links to news articles, extra stuff about the missing vote counts, corrections to the WSJ ignoring the Minn. Supreme Court decision, etc.
Huh? There are eight links in the text of the "rebuttal" you linked Joph:
One is to the WSJ editorial.
One is to an article showing that the board certified the election results (which is not in question).
One is to an article discussing the makeup of the board (which is also not in question). Although the phrase "right leaning" is more than misleading IMO. Two clear progressives, two conservatives, and one independent is not by any stretch of the imagination "right leaning". And the article he linked to doesn't say that they are, so that's clearly just his own labeling (which kinda clues us in as to which "side" he's on here, don't you think?)
Two are links to court decisions. Which are *also* not in question. Whether or not some judges decided one way or another doesn't invalidate an argument from someone disagreeing with the decision(s).
One is a link to an email written by Coleman's attorney disagreeing with the idea of double counting early on. Nice, but that doesn't mean that the issue with inflated ballot counts after the recall made since then are the same thing, nor does it invalidate the WSJ questioning why there are so many cases where this has happened.
One is a link to a site discussing placement of provisional members of congress. Something that's also not really in debate, but for the record is irrelevant, since the WSJ editorial was specifically discussing Minnesota state law. Whether other state's have allowed provisional seating while elections are ironed out, isn't at question. Whether that's legal under Minnesota state law *is*.
The *only* link to any sort of evidence to question the claims in the WSJ editorial is a link to another article on the same damn site and by the same guy. Linking to yourself as "proof" is a bit strange, don't you think? And guess what? I read that link, and his logic is just as bizarre there as well. At least he has numbers, but his analysis misses the point. The WSJ is not talking specifically about whether or not those votes should or should not have been counted. The WSJ editorial was pointing out that in that case, the board choose to stick with the original vote count, while in another similar situation, it choose to go with the higher number of votes in the recount.
If we assume the point was to pick the count that was closest to the number of signed in voters (plus absentees) at any given precinct, then they should have counted the initial election night totals in both cases. But the board choose to use the higher count which was closest to the sign in number in one case, but then used the higher count from a recall vote in which there were magically more ballots than sign ins (again, plus absentees and whatnot).
Presumably, the point is to be accurate, not just have as many votes as possible. The 538 guy does not address this issue at all, even though quotes the very paragraph in which this point is brought up in the WSJ editorial. While he clearly seems to think that "more is better" (or as he puts it "counting every vote"), that's his
opinion. The opinion of the WSJ is that the board should be looking at accurate counts, not just taking whichever is the highest number. Because counting more votes than were actually cast isn't really "counting every vote". It's counting votes that weren't cast, or were fraudulently or mistakenly cast, or double counting some votes. In any case, that actually has the effect of eliminating someone else's vote. More isn't better in this case...
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Not one fact or figure was presented in that second link.
Wait... as opposed to all the facts and figures in the WSJ piece?
Yes. Things like numbers of votes over the count in one place versus another. Numbers of votes gained by Franken as a result of inconsistently choosing to go with the number closest to the sign-in number in one case, but farthest in others. The number of precincts in which this practice has resulted in total vote counts greater than the number of people who should have been able to vote there.
Just because you don't agree with what the numbers mean doesn't mean that they aren't there. Again. If someone's going to question the WSJ's facts, shouldn't he provide counter facts himself? The only thing he provides *any* information on does not refute any numbers at all. Just the reasoning (whether votes were double counted or lost in Precinct 1). Again. That's irrelevant, since the WSJ piece wasn't about that, but about how the decision making process seemed to be inconsistent across the board (or consistent in a way that benefited Franken, to be more accurate).
Had he presented some facts showing that the vote counts weren't higher than the sign-ins in any districts (let alone 25 as the WSJ claims), I'd at least give him the benefit of the doubt. But he just blows off that claim without apparently spending any time researching it at all.
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But you're right. A link exploring the 134 missing votes or discussion of the canvassing board make-up doesn't really count as anything.
It doesn't when those aren't facts in dispute. It's like I'm arguing that a car was speeding, and you counter that the car is red. Um... Ok. That's nice, but it doesn't counter my statement. Same thing with the linked page. Lots of words and implication, but no actual rebuttal of any kind.
Again. If the WSJ comes up with a number like 25 precincts in which the recount process resulted in more votes being counted than people who voted in those precincts, I'm going to assume that they didn't just make it up. Unless your hero of the moment can actually refute the claim. But he didn't. He just blows it off. To me, that's the crux of the WSJ editorial. That the board has inconsistently chosen whether to go with the election night numbers or the recount numbers based apparently solely on which has a higher total vote tally (at least that's the gist of what I've seen so far). It observes that this practices has helped out Franken far more than it helped out Coleman (obviously, since Franken went from being a couple hundred behind to a couple hundred ahead during the recount).
If you're doing a recount, the assumption is that you should take the recount numbers unless there's some overwhelming reason to think that the recount numbers can't be right. But that doesn't appear to be the case here. They're not always taking the recount numbers, nor are they always taking the election night numbers. They're doing so purely based on which has higher numbers. And if you're the "side" that thinks that some ballot stuffing (by whatever means and at whatever time) may have gone on in some precincts, this is kind of a relevant point, don't you think?
Edited, Jan 5th 2009 8:30pm by gbaji