You're both right and wrong Palpitus. The problem is that you are condensing several different issues into one. First off, the AGs memo was specifically referring to *some* of the Afghani detainees. Not all. And at that time, not referring to anyone in Iraq (since we hadn't invaded yet).
Same thing with the prison in Iraq. The "contradictions" you're pointing out are because you (ok, not you personally) are mixing and matching different groups of people. *Some* of the prisoners were captured and detained as "illegal combattants". Most were not. Those who were not should be treated either as domestic prisoners (having rights as such), or prisoners of war (also having rights as such). So when Rumsfield talks about photos being illegal, he's correct. If those were pictures of legitimate POWs, then they were taken and distributed illegally.
The problem is that both of those groups tend to get meshed into one. We know that the US government has defined some combatants as "illegal combatants" under the GC, and therefore not afforded them the full rights that POWs get. But we also know that some prisoners were (as you say) just the victims of random roundups. Those aren't the same people. We then hear about abuses in the Iraqi prison and that starts up the debate over the torture memo earlier. But those are two separate incidents. To my knowledge, no one in the administration has tried to claim that any of the prisoners that were abused in that prison were defined as illegal combatants and were systematically denied POW rights. That was pure assumption and illogic. They were POWs. They were mistreated. It was wrong. There was *no* directive from on high stating that the prisoners there were not supposed to recieve the full treatment rights of POWs. Every indication and investigation has shown that the abuses were the result of a relatively small number of bored soldiers who decided to have some fun at the prisoner's expense.
Attempting to make any direct connection between the Afghani detainees and those in Iraq is really poor logic. The classification of those prisoners was very specific. While we can assume that some prisoners taken in Iraq have been catagorized in the same manner, there is no evidence to indicate that *any* of the abuses at that prison were the result of that classification. Continuing to connect the two is spurious at best.
Additionally, while you do a great job making a point with the GC, you still don't proove your point at all:
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ARTICLE 4
A. Prisoners of war, in the sense of the present Convention, are persons belonging to one of the following categories, who have fallen into the power of the enemy:
(1) Members of the armed forces of a Party to the conflict, as well as members of militias or volunteer corps forming part of such armed forces.
They were not members of the armed forces of a Party to the conflict (Afghani military). So they dont fall under this catagory.
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(2) Members of other militias and members of other volunteer corps, including those of organized resistance movements, belonging to a Party to the conflict and operating in or outside their own territory, even if this territory is occupied, provided that such militias or volunteer corps, including such organized resistance movements, fulfil the following conditions: (a) that of being commanded by a person responsible for his subordinates;
(b) that of having a fixed distinctive sign recognizable at a distance;
(c) that of carrying arms openly; (d) that of conducting their operations in accordance with the laws and customs of war.
They don't match this criteria either. No command structure with "responsible" leadership. No distinctive sign. Not carrying arms openly.
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(3) Members of regular armed forces who profess allegiance to a government or an authority not recognized by the Detaining Power.
Not members of any regular armed forces at all.
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(4) Persons who accompany the armed forces without actually being members thereof, such as civilian members of military aircraft crews, war correspondents, supply contractors, members of labour units or of services responsible for the welfare of the armed forces, provided that they have received authorization, from the armed forces which they accompany, who shall provide them for that purpose with an identity card similar to the annexed model.
Not accompanying regular armed forces either.
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(5) Members of crews, including masters, pilots and apprentices, of the merchant marine and the crews of civil aircraft of the Parties to the conflict, who do not benefit by more favourable treatment under any other provisions of international law.
Not crews for vehicles being used by regular armed forces.
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(6) Inhabitants of a non-occupied territory, who on the approach of the enemy spontaneously take up arms to resist the invading forces, without having had time to form themselves into regular armed units, provided they carry arms openly and respect the laws and customs of war.
This is the closest. However, they weren't carrying arms openly or respecting the laws and customs of war.
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Note the bold "one of", meaning one of the 6 sections. Only section 2 specifies the requirement for a distinctive sign, none of the others do. It could be argued that Iraqi insurgents fall into one of the other categories.
Some of the Iraqi insurgents most definately do. However, the memo being referred to in the article was from the Afghanistan conflict. Note also that *most* detainees in Iraq are being treated fully as POWs. The point being that someone who does not wear a uniform, does not follow a command structure, and who fires from surprise at military units while hidden in a crowd of children is *not* covered by any of those conditions. Not one.
There is a section of the GC that does cover those sorts of acts. I'll pull it out for you if you want (it's in a different article alltogether). It covers sabateurs and "illegal combatants". It specifically discusses acts of terrorism and insurgency done specifically in a manner to hide among civilian populations and to make it hard if not impossible to fight them without harming innocent civilians, and it does have a totally different set of rights, rules, and conditions.
Read more then just the section on Prisoners of War in the GC. You might find it interesting and informative. You're essentially making the mistake of assuming that this one article is the *only* one that applies, and pulling it out to show what rights they should recieve. But that's not all that's in the GC...
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Interestingly, George Bush said the following, concerning the case where some of our soldiers were POWs of Iraqis during the early stages of the war:
http://www.nieworld.com/special/iraqwar/iraqwar323b.htm
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I expect them to be treated, the POWS I expect to be treated humanely. And--just like we're treating the prisoners that we have captured humanely. If not, the people who mistreat the prisoners will be treated as war criminals.
Why is that interesting or surprising? If they've been defined as POWs, then of course they should be treated as such. No one has ever said anything differently. Somehow, the fact that some detainees (an incredibly small percentage actually) were defined as illegal combatants instead of POWs, we've gotten it in our heads that this means that the US government is no longer respecting the Geneva Convention on POWs, or respecting the rights of POWs. That is absolutely not the case. All we've done is determine that some of the combatants don't fall into the POW catagory in the first place. This is no way weakens legitimat POW rights.
1. If the Geneva Convention doesn't apply from us to Iraqi POWs, why would it apply from Iraqi military to our POWs? Unless he's thinking of some other auspice under which a "war criminal" could be prosecuted? Flawed assumption. The GC *does* apply to Iraqi POWs. Just as it applies to Iraqi and Afghani illegal combatants. Your arguing that illegal combatants should have the same rights as POWs, even though the GC specifically has different treatment defined for them. You're also assuming that since we defined some people as illegal combatants, that therefore *all* captured Iraqi's are put in the same catagory. Those are both absolutely incorect assumptions.
2. When we did mistreat our prisoners, we didn't try our soldiers who did so with War Crimes, merely with infractions of the Military Code of Justice. Clearly Bush was not really meaning what he was saying. Because you don't try your own military with "War Crimes". That is generally reserved for people in charge of militaries, not individual soldiers. It's also done in a world court. I'd also suggest that mistreating a relatively small number of prisoners in a relatively ad-hoc manner is not really on the same level of "War Crimes" as killing a few hundred thousand people in death camps. Those are war crimes. What these soldiers did was a violation of the codes they were supposed to follow. They were treated exactly as such. Why argue for more? Are you really suggesting that the mistreatment was on the same scale as Hitler killing millions of Jews in Germany? Or Milsovic killing hundreds of thousands of civilians in Bosnia? There not even in the same ballpark...
Also at that time, Donald Rumsfeld was citing the Geneva Convention when pictures of our POWS emerged:
http://www.unknownnews.net/030323geneva.html
Appearing on several morning talk shows, U.S. defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said the footage of captured soldiers was a violation of the Geneva Convention.
"That's a violation of the Geneva Convention, those pictures you show, if, in fact, those are our soldiers," Rumsfeld told CBS's "Face the Nation."
So gee, Iraqi combatants aren't a party to the Convention, but the media is?? I don't see their name on the list of contracting parties. Already covered this in part. You are assuming that the prisoners in that case were not defined as POWs. They were. They were mistreated. The guilty parties have been punished. Get over it.
Edited, Fri Jan 7 20:34:09 2005 by gbaji